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一年又一年,2009世界艾滋病日又到了,你告诉我生活总会苦尽甘来,他告诉我明天让我们做的更好,我却告诉我自己,今天,必须是今天,生活本身就是每一 个今天的累积,我们不应该再忽视今天。让我们从今天做起,为了我,为了你,为了他,为了我们生活中每一个还在艾滋边缘徘徊的亲人朋友。让我们共抗艾滋,消 除歧视,保护,尊重,支持和关爱艾滋病感染者从你我做起。同志亦凡人本期采访到了四个关于中国艾滋的人和事:她用爱温暖着病人的心,他游走四方为艾滋代 言,他金发碧眼却投身中国艾滋,他身为感染者却从没有停止帮助他的兄弟姐妹。今天让我们在这里一起感受聆听艾滋你我他的故事。

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    .To some extent, raacil disproportions in drug arrests reflect demographic factors. Drug law enforcement is concentrated in large urban areas. Illicit drug use is also higher in large metropolitan areas.90 Since more blacks, proportionately, live in these areas than whites, black drug offenders are at greater risk of arrest than white offenders.91 But within metropolitan areas, politics and law enforcement priorities have determined how drug arrests would be distributed.Within urban areas, the major fronts in the drug wars have been low income minority neighborhoods. With the spread of crack in the early 1980s, these neighborhoods suffered from the disorder, nuisance, and assaults on the quality of life that accompanied increased drug dealing on the streets as well as the crime and violence that accompanied the development of crack distribution systems. Dismayed residents in those neighborhoods pressed the police and public officials to do something. But the residents’ response was more than matched by the censure, outrage, and concern from outsiders that was fanned by incessant and frequently sensationalist media stories about crack, and by politicians seeking electoral advantage by being tough on crime. 92Although crack was the least used of all illicit drugs in the U.S., and although more whites used illicit drugs than blacks (see Table 17, above), the war on drugs has been targeted most notoriously at the possession and sale of crack cocaine by blacks. Crack cocaine in black neighborhoods became a lightning rod for a complicated and deep-rooted set of raacil, class, political, social, and moral dynamics.93 To the extent that the white majority in the U.S. identified both crime and drugs with the dangerous classes i.e., poor urban blacks it was easier to endorse, or at least acquiesce in, punitive penal policies that might have been rejected if members of their own families and communities were being sent to prison at comparable rates.94Tactical considerations also encouraged the concentration of anti-drug resources in disadvantaged minority neighborhoods and the consequent disproportionate number of black drug offender arrests. Police departments point to the number of arrests as a measure of effectiveness. The circumstances of life and the public nature of drug transactions in low income urban neighborhoods make arrests far easier there than in other neighborhoods.95 In poor black neighborhoods, drug transactions are more likely to be conducted on the streets, in public, and between strangers, whereas in white neighborhoods working class through upper class drugs are more likely to be sold indoors, in bars, clubs, and private homes. [I]n poor urban minority neighborhoods, it is easier for undercover narcotics officers to penetrate networks of friends and acquaintances than in more stable and closely knit working-class and middle-class neighborhoods. The stranger buying drugs on the urban street corner or in an alley, or overcoming local suspicions by hanging around for a few days and then buying drugs, was commonplace. Police undercover operations can succeed [in working and middle-class neighborhoods] but they take longer, cost more, and are less likely to succeed. 96Racial profiling the police practice of stopping, questioning, and searching potential criminal suspects in vehicles or on the street based solely on their raacil appearance has also contributed to raacilly disproportionate drug arrests, although there are no reliable estimates of the number. In many locales, black drivers are disproportionately stopped for minor traffic offenses and then searched.97 Similarly, blacks and other minorities have been disproportionately targeted in stop and frisk operations in which police temporarily detain, question, and pat down pedestrians suspected of criminal activity. In New York City, for example, between January 1998 and March 1999, police officers made far more stop and frisks in minority neighborhoods; even within neighborhoods with primarily white populations, the majority of the people stopped were black or Hispanic.98Other factors have also been important in increasing the relative rate at which black drug offenders are arrested compared to whites. For example, low income purchasers of cocaine buy the drug in the cheap form of single or several hits of crack. They must engage in far more illegal transactions to satisfy their desire for drugs than middle or upper class consumers of powder cocaine who have the resources to buy larger and longer lasting supplies. The greater frequency of purchases and sales may well affect susceptibility to arrest.So not, not all the elements that go into the huge disparity in prison time for using cocaine are directly motivated by racism. I certainly acknowledge that. But racism is a part of it, both indirectly as part of the reason black people are disproportionately in poor neighborhoods, for example and in a why didn’t the dog bark? way.If it were white suburbanites who were being treated this way just because that’s how things worked out, the system wouldn’t find that acceptable. It would get changed. It would get fixed. In contrast, a huge inequality of sentencing that just happens to mean that blacks are punished 100 times as much as whites for essentially the same crime is something that our system accepts and that people make excuses for.

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